Showing 21–40 of 57 results

  • Política e cultura no pensamento emancipatório africano

    Política e cultura no pensamento emancipatório africano

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    Política e cultura no pensamento emancipatório africano

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    A atual ausência de uma visão emancipatória para a África está no centro dos nossos problemas políticos relacionados à opressão racial capitalista e colonial. Qualquer tentativa de repensar a emancipação política no continente africano deve ser capaz de localizar uma concepção universal de liberdade no interior das experiências culturais singulares que as pessoas vivem. Quando esteve baseada nas tradições populares, a política emancipatória exibiu tais traços dialéticos, independentemente da maneira específica na qual cada luta pela liberdade foi pensada em diferentes contextos históricos. No entanto, apenas alguns intelectuais militantes compreenderam a importância dessa dialética no pensamento.

    O presente volume esboça e discute dois pontos de vista particularmente importantes sobre o papel e a relevância da cultura popular na política emancipatória em África. Cada um deles resulta de formas distintas de exploração capitalista e colonialista: o primeiro viu a luz do dia em um contexto colonial, enquanto o segundo é diretamente confrontado pelo estado neocolonial. Todas as políticas emancipatórias são desenvolvidas em confronto com o poder estatal, e todas começam com um processo de discussão e debate através do qual um sujeito coletivo começa a se formar. No continente africano, a construção de tal sujeito político coletivo tem sido informada, de maneira fundamental, pelas culturas populares.

    Os dois autores cujos ensaios estão aqui incluídos entenderam isso e colocaram a cultura popular no centro de suas políticas. O primeiro, Amílcar Cabral, aborda o papel central da cultura popular na luta pela independência da Guiné-Bissau nos anos 1970; o segundo, Ernest Wamba-dia-Wamba, aborda a centralidade da cultura popular africana para uma política emancipatória endereçada à atual República Democrática do Congo. Apesar das décadas que os separam, tanto Cabral como Wamba-dia-Wamba desenvolvem, no centro de sua política, uma dialética que ativa os universais da cultura no presente. É essa característica que confere às suas visões uma importância central para o pensamento emancipatório contemporâneo.

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  • Politics and Culture in African Emancipatory Thought

    Politics and Culture in African Emancipatory Thought

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    Politics and Culture in African Emancipatory Thought

    The current absence of any emancipatory vision for Africa lies at the heart of our political problems of racial capitalist and colonial oppression. Any attempt to rethink political emancipation on the African continent must be able to locate a universal conception of freedom within singular cultural experiences where people live. Irrespective of the specific manner in which such struggles for freedom were thought within different historical contexts, emancipatory politics always exhibited such a dialectic when it was based within popular traditions. Yet only some militant intellectual leaders understood the importance of this dialectic in thought.
    The present volume outlines and discusses two particularly important views concerning the role and importance of popular culture in emancipatory politics in Africa. Each is the product of distinct forms of colonial capitalist exploitation: the former saw the light of day within a colonial context while the latter is directly confronted by the neocolonial state. All emancipatory politics are developed in confrontation with state power, and all begin with a process of discussion and debate whereby a collective subject begins to be formed. The formation of such a collective political subject has been fundamentally informed by popular cultures on the African continent.
    The two authors whose essays are included here understood this and posit popular culture at the centre of their politics. The first, Amílcar Cabral, addresses the central role of popular culture in the independence struggle of Guinea Bissau in the 1970s; the second, Ernest Wamba-dia-Wamba, addresses the centrality of African popular culture in an emancipatory politics for the current Democratic Republic of Congo. Despite the distance in time that separates them, both Cabral and Wamba-dia-Wamba develop a dialectics at the core of their politics which activates the universals of culture in the present. It is this that makes their views of central importance to emancipatory thought today.

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  • Politique et culture dans la pensée émancipatrice Africaine
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    Politique et culture dans la pensée émancipatrice Africaine

    Au cœur de nos problèmes politiques issus d’un capitalisme racial et d’une oppression (néo)coloniale en Afrique aujourd’hui se trouve l’absence de toute vision émancipatrice véritable. Toute tentative de repenser une politique émancipatrice en Afrique doit pouvoir situer une vision universaliste de la liberté parmi les expériences culturelles singulières que les gens vivent. Les politiques émancipatrices quand elles existaient, bien que pensées dans les luttes pour la liberté ayant lieu dans des contextes historiques particuliers, mettaient toujours en vue une dialectique de ce genre quand elles étaient vraiment basées parmi les traditions populaires. Cependant, seulement une minorité de dirigeants intellectuels et militants comprenait l’importance d’une telle dialectique pour la pensée et l’action.

    Ce petit livre trace le contour et discute de deux points de vue très importants sur le rôle de la culture populaire dans la politique émancipatrice en Afrique. Chacun d’entre eux émane de formes d’exploitation capitalistes coloniales distinctes : le premier a vu le jour dans un contexte colonial classique tandis que le second est directement issu d’un contexte étatique néocolonial. Toute politique émancipatrice est développée vis-à-vis le pouvoir d’état et toutes commencent avec un processus de discussion ou est formé un sujet collectif. Un tel sujet politique doit être fondamentalement informé par et conçu en relation avec les cultures populaires.

    Les deux auteurs ci-inclus ont compris ce principe et mettent la culture populaire au centre de leur pensées politiques. Le premier, Amílcar Cabral se réfère au rôle principal de la culture dans la lutte contre le colonialisme au Guinée Bissau dans les années 1970 ; le second, Ernest Wamba-dia-Wamba insiste sur le rôle central de la culture populaire pour une politique émancipatrice dans la République Démocratique du Congo aujourd’hui. Malgré la distance temporelle qui les sépare, tous les deux développent au centre de leurs politiques distinctes, une pensée dialectique qui déclenche des pensées universalistes depuis la culture populaire dans le présent. C’est pour cela que leurs points de vue sont d’une importance capitale pour la pensée de la politique émancipatrice en Afrique aujourd’hui.

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  • Bongoman and the Golden Boots
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    Bongoman and the Golden Boots

    Bongoman stumbles upon a pair of magical football boots that have the ability to transform the wearer into a football wizard. His legendary love for football induces him to try out the boots, with spectacular results. With his new incredible ability, he suddenly becomes a maestro on the pitch. His brilliant dribbling and scoring tactics attracts international attention and several international premier football teams start seeking him with handsome offers for his services. Bongoman comes to face with the ugly face of game fixing and dirty practices, leading to threats to his life and family. After a series of unsettling incidents, including the kidnap of his nephew, Bongoman decides to play for his local team, but the malpractices run deeper than he had imagined and the mandarins controlling the game he so loves will give him no peace. He has no place in the game if he does not do as they say, but he cannot give up his strong principles for money or fame. Bongoman is in a quandary. Does he abandon his passion for good? Should he take the fall? That is out of the question! His only option is to take the criminals controlling football in the country out of the equation.

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  • Bongoman and the Magic Potion
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    Bongoman and the Magic Potion

    Bongoman’s old friend, ‘Prof’, invents a potion that gives that gives someone superhuman strength when ingested, but his assistant, seeking personal benefit, steals a few vials for sale to some shadowy underworld boss. After the gang boss kidnaps the professor’s assistant to get hold of the magic potion’s formula, the professor seeks Bongoman’s assistance to get back his assistant from the crook’s clutches. One of the gang boss’s minions has taken the stolen magic potion and now possesses prodigious strength, wreaking havoc in the neighborhood and imposing a siege on the population. Bongoman must employ all his wits to outsmart his new nemesis. Bongoman finds himself in a full-scale war with an organized criminal gang. He must fight for the soul of his cherished neighborhood. The helpless police also appeal for his assistance in taking down the gang of cutthroats threatening the peace and turning Eastlands into a battleground. This is going to be a bare-knuckle brawl where no prisoners will be taken.

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  • Bongoman and the Pirates
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    Bongoman and the Pirates

    Bongoman wins the lottery and believes this is the answer to all his financial woes. He plans to get into the transport industry by purchasing a ‘matatu’ (passenger van). He seeks a vehicle dealer to assist him import a van but a few days later, Bongoman learns that the ship importing his vehicle has been hijacked by Somali pirates in the Indian Ocean off the coast of Kenya. With nowhere to turn to for help, Bongoman decides to take matters into his hands. He must travel to Somalia and get back his vehicle! As he embarks on his mission, he unearths the allies of the hijackers who lay a trap for him. He finds himself stranded in the middle of the Indian Ocean where he has to battle sharks, thirst and exposure. He overcomes these obstacles but falls into the hands of the hijackers, who consequently imprison him. Bongoman worms his way into the hearts of his captors after preparing a delicious meal for them and even accept his offer to join them as cook and soldier. The pirate boss orders him to accompany them to hijack another ship and after the attack goes awry, Bongoman miraculously manages to escape capture by an international anti-piracy force. Will Bongoman get back his vehicle? Will his transport business become a reality?

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  • Bongoman and the Warlords
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    Bongoman and the Warlords

    Bongoman lands a job as a reporter and his first assignment for the News Daily is to cover the ongoing war in Somalia between the Transitional Government of Somalia and militant groups in the war-torn country. Bongoman boards a plane to Jowar but due to bad weather the plane is forced to land in Mogadishu, the last place Bongoman wanted to find himself in. The lawless nature of the battle-scarred city catches up with him soon enough. He finds himself at the wrong end of a gun at every turn. He meets an old friend who has a penchant for attracting trouble. To his shock, he learns that she’s running guns for one of the main warlords in the city. He tries to extricate himself from her company but the situation escalates and they both end up in the hands of a regional warlord, who sees in them handsome ransom rewards. An old friend helps Bongoman and his companions escape from their dingy dungeon but they have to contend with a terrorist armed with an RPG. Bongoman has been shot at, blown up, kidnapped and buried in a landslide. It’s time to go back home… but will it be that easy?

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  • Bongoman Strikes Gold
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    Bongoman Strikes Gold

    Bongoman bumps into his perpetually broke friend, Rastafasta, driving a flashy car. Rastafasta discloses the secret to his new-found wealth; he is involved in the gold trade. There is a thriving gold business in the mines of Ikolomani, a bustling little town about 350 km from the city. Bongoman embarks on an epic journey to this Eldorado, with dreams of making big money. Halfway through the journey, the bus breaks down and impatient to get to his destination, he disembarks and continues the journey on foot. He jogs through hills and valleys, hour after hour and finally, thirsty and exhausted he finds himself in a dingy bar where he ingests a potent alcoholic brew unknowingly. Shaken but unfazed he continues his journey which is cut short after a gang of robbers posing as passengers hijack the passenger van he is travelling in. After a decisive reckoning with Bongoman, the robbers find themselves behind bars as Bongoman walks away with a hefty bounty derived from their capture. This windfall quickly evaporates after the crafty van driver spikes his drink. He finally arrives at the gold mines of Ikolomani and to his utter dismay, finds that all is not a bed of roses…

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  • Bongoman vs Mother-In-Law
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    Bongoman vs Mother-In-Law

    Bongoman’s ill-tempered mother-in-law arrives for a visit. Bongoman is far from thrilled as he doesn’t see eye-to-eye with the old lady. She never has a kind word for him, calling him a good-for-nothing bum. The tranquillity of the Bongoman household is turned upside down as the old lady imposes her uncompromising will, harassing Bongoman at every given opportunity, especially his evening forays to the neighbourhood pub. With no peace of mind, Bongoman pushes back and devises a series of tricks to force her out of his house. None of the tricks works out, and Bongoman finds life unbearable in his own house. He reports an assault against him by his mother-in-law to the police but finds himself in jail as the perpetrator of the assault Bongoman storms out of his house in protest after a brief interlude in jail, taking up residence in the local park, where he has to contend with some unsavoury night-time characters for rights to the more comfortable sleeping spaces and has to fight to assert his position in the pecking order. How will Bongoman rid himself of this terrible relative? Does he have any more tricks up his sleeve?

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  • International Brigade Against Apartheid
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    International Brigade Against Apartheid: Secrets of the People’s War That Liberated South Africa

    We hear for the first time from the internationalist secretly working for the ANC’s armed wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), in the struggle to liberate South Africa from apartheid rule. They acted as couriers, provided safe houses in neighbouring states and within South Africa, helped infiltrate combatants across borders, and smuggled tons of weapons into the country in the most creative ways. Driven by a spirit of international solidarity, they were prepared to take huge risks and face great danger. The internationalists reveal what motivated them as volunteers, not mercenaries: they gained nothing for their endeavours save for the self-esteem in serving a just cause. Against such clandestine involvement, the book includes contributions from key people in the international Anti-Apartheid Movement and its public mobilisation to isolate the apartheid regime. These include worldwide campaigns like Stop the Sports Tours, boycotting of South African products and black American solidarity. The Cuban, East German and Russian contributions outlined those countries’ support for the ANC and MK. The public, global Anti-Apartheid Movement campaigns provide the dimensions from which internationalists who secretly served MK emerged. Edited by Ronnie Kasrils. First published by Jacana Media (Pty) Ltd in 2021, ISBN: 978-1-4314-3202-8, this Daraja Press edition is available in North America and East Africa.

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  • Nigeria and the Challenge of Federalism

    Nigeria and the Challenge of Federalism

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    Nigeria and the Challenge of Federalism

    The book identifies three key moments in Nigeria’s experience with federalism and makes the argument that a complex and socially-diverse country like Nigeria can only be successfully governed by a truly federal arrangement, and not the present unitary contraption that has only delivered poverty, social unrest and the powerful centrifugal forces that are now threatening the very existence of the country itself. The time has come, write Ike Okonta, to convene a conference with sovereign powers to design a federal constitution for the country. The current process of amending the 1999 Constitution by the National Assembly will not suffice. The document is so hopelessly flawed that only its discarding and a fresh effort at constitution-making will suffice.

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  • Dictators as Gatekeepers for Europe

    Dictators as Gatekeepers for Europe

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    Dictators as Gatekeepers for Europe

    Dictators as Gatekeepers for Europe is a detailed journalistic account of how the EU is attempting to limit mobility within the African continent as a matter of the EU’s domestic policy agenda, hence the title hinting at the many agreements (with Turkey, Libya, Sudan) aimed at blocking migrants from approaching the European continent. The new “Berlin Wall” not only encircles Europe, but also generates a proliferation of militarised borders in Africa. …To summarise, the authors argue, Europe desires protected borders and open markets. The novelty is the amount of material that this book contains about African desires and strategies, both as a continent and as single states. This, in particular, makes the work a collection of extremely valuable directions of research. In fact, Africa, if one were to simplify the continent’s intentions, is depicted as aspiring to the exact opposite of Europe, namely open borders (with the African Union aspiring to free movement within the continent) and protected markets (protected from Western corporate predatory strategies). Moreover, contrary to the narrative of aid according to which the West “helps develop” Africa, the figures quoted by the authors suggest the opposite: while Sub-Saharan Africa receives $134 billion a year in development funding, $192 billions flow out of Africa, with $46 billion in profit for major corporations and another $35 billion vanishing in tax havens (218). https://www.law.ox.ac.uk/research-subject-groups/centre-criminology/centreborder-criminologies/blog/2022/02/double-book by Oana Pârvan.

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  • Politics, Democratization and Academia in Uganda

    Politics, Democratization and Academia in Uganda: The Case of Makerere University

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    Politics, Democratization and Academia in Uganda: The Case of Makerere University

    As the oldest (and arguably best-known) university in Uganda and the wider eastern and central Africa region, Makerere University looms large in the history of higher education on the continent. Alma mater to presidents, public intellectuals and pundits of all disciplines, Makerere has attracted considerable scholarly and popular attention, both in respect of its prominence and achievements, and well as with regard to its failures and foibles. The proposed book focuses on a particularly understudied aspect of the place of higher education in the African context, i.e. the relationship between a public university of unique historical importance and the contestations over democratization that have taken place both within campus and outside of it. It is built around the late-1980s struggle by the Makerere University Academic Staff Association (MUASA) for improved living conditions against the backdrop of the early programs of structural adjustment and economic reform that the National Resistance Army/Movement (NRA/M) government adopted soon after taking power in 1986. Although seemingly introverted in focus, in many respects the MUASA action represented the earliest forms of political struggle against a regime of governance that promised a great deal, but disappointingly delivered considerably less.

    The focus on MUASA provides a critical entry-point to a wider debate about the place of organized democratic action by academics in a post-conflict context where the traditional institutions of political and civil society, i.e. political parties and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have either been severely compromised or discredited, or where they are too weak and inorganic to provide any form of significant counter-juxtaposition to the government in power. By organizing the first strike by academic staff in the sixty-seven (67) year history of the university, for a time MUASA became the focal-point for democratic organizing against a regime that was yet to fully expose its nefarious and anti-democratic colours. The book examines the broader issues concerning the relationship between organized academic action and democratization; the place of the Media in reviewing these struggles; the position of students as a critical component of academe; “big P” and “small p” politics affecting female academics, and finally, the paradoxical role of the School of Law in both aiding and inhibiting the struggle against dictatorship in a country which has enjoyed

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  • The imperative of Utu / Ubuntu in Africana scholarship

    The imperative of Utu / Ubuntu in Africana scholarship

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    The imperative of Utu / Ubuntu in Africana scholarship

    Written in commemoration of the 50th anniversary of Africana Studies and Research Center, Cornell University, this publication celebrates the birth of Black studies as a liberated academic zone. Professor Mũgo reflects upon the significance of Africana studies, specifically within the context of America’s predominantly White universities, revisiting the hers/his/torical context that birthed Black studies as a field of knowledge. She reflects on the ownership of knowledge, its production, dissemination and custodianship while proposing utu/ubuntu as imperatives in defining transformative education. The hypothesis and heart of the argument is that knowledge and scholarship can either be colonizing, alienating and enslaving; or, alternatively, they can be conscientizing, humanizing and liberating, creating new human beings with the agency to transform life and the world, for the better. he dismisses the false myth of dominating, colonizing and imperialist cultures that claim to have a monopoly of knowledge and whose purpose is to justify the dehumanization of the conquered, the attempted erasure of their knowledges, heritages and ultimately, entire cultures.

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  • Aporias de Moçambique pós-colonial: Estado, Sociedade e Capital
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    Aporias de Moçambique pós-colonial: Estado, Sociedade e Capital

    Moçambique celebrou, em Junho de 2020, 45 anos de sua independência. Os ganhos e avanços que o país alcançou nesta quase meia década de independência são inegáveis, mas os desafios que subsistem são muitos. Este livro reflecte sobre Moçambique contemporâneo nos seus vários aspectos, destacando a formação e o papel do Estado, a democracia, a participação dos cidadãos, a política económica e social e o desenvolvimento. Como se pode ver, o livro não é temático e oferece diversas perspectivas de autores e autoras que se dedicam à investigação, ao jornalismo e ao activismo. O livro pretende exactamente oferecer uma leitura do país a partir dos olhos daqueles que não ocupam uma posição de poder mas que vivem, experienciam e lêem a realidade do país a partir de uma perspectiva crítica da sociedade.
    O objectivo deste livro é dar uma melhor compreensão do que tem sido o processo de independência em Moçambique e porque é que o país pós-colonial ainda é ‘colonial’ na sua estrutura política e económica. Assim, são dados muitos exemplos para dar ao leitor a possibilidade de confrontar as perspectivas teóricas aqui utilizadas com os casos concretos.
    Todos os estudos deste livro mostram que quarenta e cinco anos de independência não foram vividos da mesma forma pelas elites que governam o país e pelas populações que vivem sob o seu domínio. Por um lado, as elites no poder e os seus parentes beneficiaram, e ainda beneficiam, dos recursos do país, enquanto que uma grande parte da população continua à espera das promessas da independência. De um ponto de vista político e económico, os estudos que compõem o livro destacam como o “desenvolvimento” em Moçambique tem estado em contradição com as necessidades do país. Significa que o actual modelo de desenvolvimento responde muito mais ao capital internacional do que à transformação social de Moçambique.

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  • A region in revolt: Mapping the recent uprisings in North Africa and West Asia

    A region in revolt: Mapping the recent uprisings in North Africa and West Asia

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    A region in revolt: Mapping the recent uprisings in North Africa and West Asia

    A wave of mass protest movements has spread across North Africa and West Asia, including Sudan, Algeria, Iraq, Lebanon and Iran. The mass protests have much in common, from opposing authoritarian regimes and worsening economic situations to demanding radical changes in social relations. Despite their similarities, each protest movement operates under different conditions that cannot be ignored. The specific historic, political and economic contexts of each country have determined who the key actors of the uprisings are and their location across old and new divides. This book elaborates on these similarities and differences to paint a clearer picture of these movements and draw out lessons to inform future struggles.

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  • Mau Mau From Within

    Mau Mau From Within: The Story of the Kenya Land and Freedom Army

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    Mau Mau From Within: The Story of the Kenya Land and Freedom Army

    The inside story of the struggles of the Kenya Land and Freedom Army, referred to by British colonialism as the ‘Mau Mau rebellion’, is little known today. The autobiographical material written by Karari Njama (a senior leader in the Mau Mau hierarchy) and compiled by Donald L. Barnett was first published by Monthly Review Press in 1966 as Mau Mau From Within: An Analysis of Kenya’s Peasant Revolt. It was reprinted in 1970; it has remained out of print for many years. As the late Basil Davidson put it in his review of the first edition: “Njama writes of the forest leaders’ efforts to overcome dissension, to evolve effective tactics, to keep discipline, mete out justice … and to teach men how to survive in those merciless forests. His narrative is crowded with excitement. Those who know much of Africa and those who know little will alike find it compulsive reading. Some 10,000 Africans died fighting in those years . Here, in the harsh detail of everyday experience, are the reasons why.”

    The book is an extraordinary story of courage, passion, heroism, combined with recounting of colonial terror, brutality and betrayal. It is a story of how the very idea of being ‘Kenyan’ was intimately linked to the idea of freedom, a connection that was destroyed not only by the firepower of the British, but also by those who collaborated and established themselves as the beneficiaries of neocolonial rule. Disconnecting notions of freedom from identity left only a caricature that rapidly descended into tribalism and ethnicity.

    This momentous story of the struggle for freedom described here is relevant not only for a new generation of Kenyans but also for all those engaged in emancipatory struggles internationally. For so long as the experiences arising from the struggles described in this book are perceived as merely ‘African’ or ‘Kenyan’, it is not possible to fully grasp the contributions they have made to the struggle for a universalist humanity.

    What is recounted in this publication is more than an ‘analysis of a peasant revolt’. It is, above all, a history of the Kenya Land and Freedom Army. As Ngūgī wa Thiong’o points out in his Preface to this new edition, ‘we don’t have to use the vocabulary of the colonial to describe our struggles.’ We were tempted to rename the book ‘Kenya Land and Freedom Army from Within.’ But because the original title has wide recognition, and one of the characteristics of movements of the oppressed is to appropriate derogatory terms

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  • The In-Between World of Kenya’s Media
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    The In-Between World of Kenya’s Media: South Asian Journalism, 1900-1992

    This book, originally published by AwaaZ in Kenya, provides insights into journalists of Indian origin who wrote about the struggles of Kenyan people.

    USD $ 35.00
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  • Being human after 1492

    Being human after 1492

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    Being human after 1492

    The pamphlet begins with two letters written by Paul the Apostle in which Christianity first acquires a universal address. The new religion came to exclude people who were not Christians from the count of the human. This became explicit around a thousand years later when Pope Urban II authorised the First Crusade.

    In 1492 planetary history was split in to two. Muhammad XII of Granada conceded defeat to Isabella and Ferdinand, the Catholic monarchs of Portugal and Spain, who went on to expel the Jews from the territory under their control. Europe became a Christian project. In the same year Christopher Columbus arrived in the Caribbean and Europe also became an imperial project with a planetary reach.

    The origins of the racial ideology can be seen in this period, in which ideas about religion came to be entangled with fantastical ideas about the imagined purity of blood. But it was in the English colony of Virginia in the seventeenth century that the legitimation for the exclusion from the count of the human began to move from claims made in the name of religion to claims made in the name of science. This is the point at which modern racism, rooted in the appearance of the body, began to cast its malignant shadow across the planet.

    The author argues that the struggle to put an end to the epoch of world history that opened in 1492 will require new ideas, and new practices. It follows the Caribbean tradition that runs from Aimé Césaire to Frantz Fanon and Sylvia Wynter in affirming the need for a counter-humanism, a radical humanism, a humanism that, in Césaire’s famous phrases, is “made to the measure of the world”. There is a need for a shift in the ground of reason towards the lived experience and struggles of people rendered, in Wynter’s phrase, as ‘pariahs outside of the new order’.

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  • In, against, beyond, corona

    in, against, beyond, corona

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    in, against, beyond, corona

    Description (1711 / 2500)
    Part of what is revealed is what is wrong and toxic – in ourselves, in our relations with others, and in our relation with the rest of non-human nature. But it’s also terribly important to listen for and to seek out what is revealed that is good and life-affirming. Both are vital. Our current situation is deeply structured by capitalism and as such has made all of our lives, livelihoods, relations and goods tied up with, and dependent on, reproducing that system. It is clear that the real catastrophe is the inevitable and accelerating spiral of death that flows from that logic of capital and of money. But new (and old too) forms of experimenting in radically different ways of doing/being/relating that flow from it are also revealed – the ways of thinking and doing that reject the logic of power-over, of competition or profit, of exploitation and humiliation. Can these be sustained beyond the immediate corona crisis?; shouldn’t we be encouraging people to identify these areas and think/act them as a present future, planning and imagining how to extend them forward in time?; and expanding them to growing spheres of life? At the level of values and principles, we do wonder whether kindness, social solidarity, and an appropriate scale of time, aren’t perhaps the most important of these?

    We are much more likely to actually change the world when we listen and tap into all the many ways in which people’s own questions and thinking, their ways of relating and acting, refuse the logic of toxic power and monetised exchange for profit. Here, we will discover already-existing breaks and practices that, instead, embody and embrace the values and principles for a better way of reproducing life.

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