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Bongoman and the Aliens
USD $ 16.25Select options This product has multiple variants. The options may be chosen on the product pageBongoman and the Aliens
USD $ 16.25There have been a series of mysterious disappearances within Bongoman’s tranquil Eastlands Estate in Nairobi’s urban sprawl. The missing persons reappear days later with no recollection of where they have been and with altered personalities. In the course of his investigations, Bongoman bumps into an alien being who is also looking for him to enlist his services to help in fighting another alien race, building a force to annihilate humankind and take over the earth. Bongoman’s scepticism about the existence of aliens is tested as he finds himself forming an alliance of convenience with a star-hopper from a race that can move through dimensions and journey across space at will. Bongoman and his alien partner find themselves in a desperate race against time as they take on an aggressive race of aliens with seemingly invincible powers as they seek to undo what has been done and rid the world of this super race of invaders. In the war to save the world, the duo has to deal with aliens who have taken over the ‘essence’ of human beings and have mingled with the population. Bongoman must single them out and expel the alien within to save the poor souls.Select options This product has multiple variants. The options may be chosen on the product page -
“Nada mal para um N—, Não?” “No está mal para un N—, ¿no?”
Price range: USD $ 5.00 through USD $ 15.00Select options This product has multiple variants. The options may be chosen on the product page“Nada mal para um N—, Não?” “No está mal para un N—, ¿no?”
Price range: USD $ 5.00 through USD $ 15.00Escrito durante as comemorações do septuagésimo quinto aniversário da publicação de Black Skin, White Masks (“Pele Negra, Máscaras Brancas”), de Frantz Fanon, “Not Bad for a N—, No?” oferece reflexões sobre as circunstâncias da publicação desta obra clássica com os insights de Fanon sobre o que ele chamou de tentativa de “assassinato do homem” e a necessidade urgente de a humanidade se tornar “acional”.
Escrito durante las celebraciones del septuagésimo quinto aniversario de la publicación de Black Skin, White Masks (“Piel negra, máscaras blancas”) de Frantz Fanon, “Not Bad for a N—, No?” ofrece reflexiones sobre las circunstancias de la publicación de esta obra clásica con las ideas de Fanon sobre lo que llamó el intento de “asesinato del hombre” y la urgente necesidad de que la humanidad se vuelva “acción”.
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Black Anarchism and the Black Radical Tradition: Moving Beyond Racial Capitalism
Price range: USD $ 5.00 through USD $ 18.00Select options This product has multiple variants. The options may be chosen on the product pageBlack Anarchism and the Black Radical Tradition: Moving Beyond Racial Capitalism
Price range: USD $ 5.00 through USD $ 18.00This work is an important achievement in clarifying the history and current importance of Black anarchism. The information that the book presents will be new to many readers. For instance, one important component involves the explanations of how hierarchical principles within the Black Panther Party and Black Liberation Army helped generate the emergence of Black anarchism among key party members who later developed their ideas and strategies while in prison. Likewise, the book breaks new ground in demonstrating that Black anarchism has emerged not from the European/ North American anarchist traditions but rather from roots in Pan-Africanism, the Black radical tradition focusing on racial capitalism and the work of Cedric Robinson, and grassroots struggles partly in the U.S. South. An in-depth analysis of the somewhat different but complementary focuses within the two generations of Black anarchism also is very helpful. Finally, the book highlights concrete, contemporary implications for revolutionary strategy, including a perceptive analysis of the compatibilities between socialist and Black anarchist approaches to current transformative struggles. This publication will become widely known and used because it brings enlightening new ways to understand and act on the intertwined structures of racial capitalism and the capitalist state.
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“Not Bad for a N—, No?” / «Pas mal pour un N—, n’est-ce pas? »
Price range: USD $ 5.00 through USD $ 11.00Select options This product has multiple variants. The options may be chosen on the product page“Not Bad for a N—, No?” / «Pas mal pour un N—, n’est-ce pas? »
Price range: USD $ 5.00 through USD $ 11.00Written during the seventy-fifth anniversary celebrations of the publication of Frantz Fanon’s Peau noir, masques blancs (“Black Skin, White Masks”), “Not Bad for a N—, No?” offers reflections on the circumstances of the publication of this classic work with Fanon’s insights on what he called the attempted “murder of man” and the urgent need for humanity to become “actional.”
Écrit lors des célébrations du soixante-quinzième anniversaire de la publication de Frantz Fanon de Peau noir masques blancs, «Pas mal pour un N—, n’est-ce pas? » offre des réflexions sur les circonstances de la publication de cette œuvre classique avec les idées de Fanon sur ce qu’il a appelé la tentative de «meurtre de l’homme» et le besoin urgent que l’humanité devienne «actionnelle».
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Domains of politics and modes of rule/ Sphères politiques et contrôle étatique (en/fr)
Price range: USD $ 5.00 through USD $ 10.00Select options This product has multiple variants. The options may be chosen on the product pageDomains of politics and modes of rule/ Sphères politiques et contrôle étatique (en/fr)
Price range: USD $ 5.00 through USD $ 10.00This work consists of a brief attempt to orient the study of the neocolonial state in Africa through an assessment of the manner in which it rules its people. It is argued that the state produces different modes of rule by deploying different politics over different parts of the population. In this manner, it can combine a genuinely democratic rule in the image of the West over some while subjecting the majority to colonial forms of domination. Imported political subjectivities from the West and its obsession with human rights discourse are reserved largely for a sphere of civil society in which the right to have rights is conferred upon citizens. In the domains of uncivil society and traditional society, the right to rights is not observed by the state so that different subjectivities, regularly including violence, govern the manner political problems and solutions are addressed both by the state and by people. In consequence, distinct political subjectivities prevail in the conceptualization of popular resistance in all three domains, and it becomes difficult to rally such different concerns and conceptions within an overall anti-neocolonial struggle.
Il s’agit d’une brève tentative d’orienter l’étude de l’État néocolonial en Afrique à travers une évaluation de la manière dont il gouverne son peuple. On soutient que l’État produit différents modes de contrôle étatique en déployant différentes politiques sur différentes parties de la population. De cette manière, il peut combiner une règle véritablement démocratique à l’image de l’Occident sur certains tout en soumettant la majorité à des formes coloniales de domination. Les subjectivités politiques importées de l’Occident et son obsession du discours sur les droits de l’homme sont largement réservées à une sphère de la société civile dans laquelle le droit d’avoir des droits est conféré aux citoyens. Dans les domaines de la société incivile et de la société « traditionnelle », le droit aux droits n’est pas respecté par l’État, de sorte que différentes subjectivités, y compris régulièrement la violence, régissent la manière dont les problèmes politiques et leurs solutions sont abordés à la fois par l’État et par le peuple. En conséquence, des subjectivités politiques distinctes prévalent dans la conceptualisation de la résistance populaire dans chacun des trois domaines, et il devient difficile de rallier des préoccupations et des conceptions aussi différentes au sein d’une lutte anticoloniale nationSelect options This product has multiple variants. The options may be chosen on the product page -
Mudarse Màs Allá de la Agricultura Capitalista
Price range: USD $ 5.00 through USD $ 15.00Select options This product has multiple variants. The options may be chosen on the product pageMudarse Màs Allá de la Agricultura Capitalista
Price range: USD $ 5.00 through USD $ 15.00Los agentes patógenos surgen una y otra vez de un sistema agroalimentario global arraigado en la desigualdad, la explotación laboral y el extractivismo sin límites por el que se despoja a las comunidades de sus recursos naturales y sociales. Un sistema económico propenso a la crisis que prioriza la producción para obtener beneficios por encima de la satisfacción de las necesidades humanas y la preservación ecológica se organiza en torno a una intensa producción monocultural que, por el camino, permite la aparición de las enfermedades más mortíferas.
La Investigación sobre la Pandemia para el Pueblo (PReP) se centra en cómo la agricultura podría ser reimaginada por el tipo de intervención a nivel de la comunidad que podría detener la aparición del coronavirus y otros patógenos en primer lugar. Abordamos cómo la ciencia convencional apoya los mismos sistemas políticos y económicos que ayudaron a producir la aparición del coronavirus y otros patógenos en primer lugar.
Introducimos la agroecología, un ecologismo de los campesinos, los pobres y los indígenas, que existe desde hace mucho tiempo, y que trata la agricultura como una parte de la ecología de la que la humanidad cultiva sus alimentos. La agroecología -una ciencia, un movimiento y práctica- combina la ciencia ecológica, los conocimientos indígenas y campesinos y los movimientos sociales por la soberanía alimentaria y territorial para lograr sistemas alimentarios ambientalmente justos.
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Domains of politics and modes of rule : Political structures of the neocolonial state in Africa
Price range: USD $ 5.00 through USD $ 10.00Select options This product has multiple variants. The options may be chosen on the product pageDomains of politics and modes of rule : Political structures of the neocolonial state in Africa
Price range: USD $ 5.00 through USD $ 10.00“A concise, dense and illuminating dissection of the workings of the post-independence African state that also charts a path towards imagining and working for a true politics of liberation.” — Ndongo Samba Sylla, Senior Researcher, Rosa Luxemburg Foundation.
This is a brief attempt to orient the study of the neocolonial state in Africa through an assessment of the manner in which it rules its people. It is argued that the state produces different modes of rule by deploying different politics over different parts of the population. In this manner, it can combine a genuinely democratic rule in the image of the West over some while subjecting the majority to colonial forms of domination. Imported political subjectivities from the West and its obsession with human rights discourse are reserved largely for a sphere of civil society in which the right to have rights is conferred upon citizens. In the domains of uncivil society and ‘traditional’ society, the right to rights is not observed by the state so different subjectivities, regularly including violence, govern the manner political problems and solutions are addressed both by the state and by people. In consequence, distinct political subjectivities prevail in the conceptualization of popular resistance in all three domains, and it becomes difficult to rally such different concerns and conceptions within an overall anti-neocolonial struggle.∴Select options This product has multiple variants. The options may be chosen on the product page -
Select options This product has multiple variants. The options may be chosen on the product page
(Arabic edition) الهندوتفا وعلاقتها بالصهيونية
هندوتفا
وارتباطها بالصهيونيةأمريت ويلسون
سلسلة محاضرات عن إسرائيل
المساهمة: لاهور ألباست، مؤسسة الدراسات الفلسطينية، الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية
المشرف: الدكتور فيريندر سينغ كالرا
المحرر: طارق محمود، الجامعة الأميركية في بيروتكتب هذا النص في كانون الأول/ديسمبر 2022، وهو مقتبس من محاضرة ألقيت بدعوة من مؤسسة الدراسات الفلسطينية. ومنذ ذلك الحين، تعمقت العلاقات بين إسرائيل والهند وتصاعدت الفظائع في كلا البلدين. في 5 إبريل 2023، اقتحمت قوات الاحتلال الإسرائيلي باحات المسجد الأقصى في القدس الشرقية المحتلة، واعتدت على المصلين بداخله. وفي الوقت نفسه، تواجه إسرائيل اضطرابات داخلية في الصراع بين مجموعة متنوعة، بما في ذلك أولئك الذين يعتقدون أن المستعمرة الاستيطانية الحالية هي دولة ديمقراطية ويريدون أن تبقى الأمور على ما هي عليه، وكذلك أولئك الذين يقفون على اليمين. والأهم من ذلك أن الحزب الحاكم في الهند، حزب بهاراتيا جاناتا، يدعم الخيار الأخير. يدور الكتاب حول هندوتفا، الأيديولوجية التي تحرك حكومة رئيس الوزراء ناريندرا مودي، حزب بهاراتيا جاناتا الذي يهيمن عليه الهندوس، والصهيونية، أيديولوجية دولة الفصل العنصري الإسرائيلية. وفي هذا العصر الذي يتسم بالفاشية الناشئة، تشكل هاتان الأيديولوجيتان المتشابهتان إلى حد لافت للنظر أهمية بالغة في تعزيز التحالفات الاقتصادية والعسكرية بين اثنتين من أكثر الدول اليمينية قمعية في العالم ـ وفي الوقت نفسه إضفاء الشرعية عليها في الساحات الثقافية. إن إسرائيل بلا شك دولة استعمارية استيطانية، لكنها أيضًا دولة فاشية، مثل الهند، ليس فقط بسبب “الأحزاب المتطرفة التي تشكل جزءًا من الحكومة” ولكن أيضًا “على حد تعبير مسؤوليها – نتنياهو ومروان بشارة”. نتنياهو هو “الأب الروحي للفاشية الإسرائيلية الحديثة”.
Written in December 2022, this text is based on a lecture given earlier at the invitation of the Institute of Palestine Studies. Since then, the relationship between Israel and India has deepened further and atrocities have skyrocketed in both countries. On 5 April 2023, Israeli forces stormed Al Aqsa Mosque compound in occupied East Jerusalem and attacked worshippers inside. At the same time, Israel is facing internal turmoil in a battle between a diverse group, including those who think the current settler colony is a democratic nation and want things to remain as they are, and those who stand even further to the right. Significantly, the BJP, India’s ruling party, supports the latter. This book is about Hindutva, the ideology which drives the Hindu-supremacist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) regime of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and Zionism, the ideology of the Israeli apartheid state. In this era of rising fascism, these two remarkably similar ideologies are crucially important in cementing the economic and military alliance between two of the world’s most repressive right-wing states – while helping to legitimize them in cultural arenas. Israel is, of course, a settler colonial state, but it is also, like India, a fascist state, not only because of ‘the extremist parties that [are] part of the government’ but also because of ‘their enablers – Netanyahu and his chauvinistic Likud party which long strove for a Jewish state dominating both sides of the Jordan River.’ In the words of Marwan Bishara, Netanyahu is ‘the godfather of modern Israeli fascism.’
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(Bengali edition) হিন্দুত্ববাদ ও ইহুদী জাতীয়তাবাদ : একটি ক্রমবর্ধমান সম্পর্ক)
Price range: USD $ 5.00 through USD $ 10.00Select options This product has multiple variants. The options may be chosen on the product page(Bengali edition) হিন্দুত্ববাদ ও ইহুদী জাতীয়তাবাদ : একটি ক্রমবর্ধমান সম্পর্ক)
Price range: USD $ 5.00 through USD $ 10.00This is a Bengali translation of Hindutva and its relationship with Zionism, by Amrit Wilson: ISBN 978-1-990263-76-7. Written in December 2022, this text is based on a lecture given earlier at the invitation of the Institute of Palestine Studies. Since then, the relationship between Israel and India has deepened further and atrocities have skyrocketed in both countries. On 5 April 2023, Israeli forces stormed Al Aqsa Mosque compound in occupied East Jerusalem and attacked worshippers inside. At the same time, Israel is facing internal turmoil in a battle between a diverse group, including those who think the current settler colony is a democratic nation and want things to remain as they are, and those who stand even further to the right. Significantly, the BJP, India’s ruling party, supports the latter. This book is about Hindutva, the ideology which drives the Hindu-supremacist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) regime of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and Zionism, the ideology of the Israeli apartheid state. In this era of rising fascism, these two remarkably similar ideologies are crucially important in cementing the economic and military alliance between two of the world’s most repressive right-wing states – while helping to legitimize them in cultural arenas. Israel is, of course, a settler colonial state, but it is also, like India, a fascist state, not only because of ‘the extremist parties that [are] part of the government’ but also because of ‘their enablers – Netanyahu and his chauvinistic Likud party which long strove for a Jewish state dominating both sides of the Jordan River.’ In the words of Marwan Bishara, Netanyahu is ‘the godfather of modern Israeli fascism.’ This essay focuses primarily on Hindutva, discussing Zionism mainly to highlight its similarities, links and increasing alliances with Hindutva.
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Hindutva and its relationship with Zionism
Price range: USD $ 5.00 through USD $ 11.00Select options This product has multiple variants. The options may be chosen on the product pageHindutva and its relationship with Zionism
Price range: USD $ 5.00 through USD $ 11.00Written in December 2022, this text is based on a lecture given earlier at the invitation of the Institute of Palestine Studies. Since then, the relationship between Israel and India has deepened further and atrocities have skyrocketed in both countries. On 5 April 2023, Israeli forces stormed Al Aqsa Mosque compound in occupied East Jerusalem and attacked worshippers inside. At the same time, Israel is facing internal turmoil in a battle between a diverse group, including those who think the current settler colony is a democratic nation and want things to remain as they are, and those who stand even further to the right. Significantly, the BJP, India’s ruling party, supports the latter. This book is about Hindutva, the ideology which drives the Hindu-supremacist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) regime of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and Zionism, the ideology of the Israeli apartheid state. In this era of rising fascism, these two remarkably similar ideologies are crucially important in cementing the economic and military alliance between two of the world’s most repressive right-wing states – while helping to legitimize them in cultural arenas. Israel is, of course, a settler colonial state, but it is also, like India, a fascist state, not only because of ‘the extremist parties that [are] part of the government’ but also because of ‘their enablers – Netanyahu and his chauvinistic Likud party which long strove for a Jewish state dominating both sides of the Jordan River.’ In the words of Marwan Bishara, Netanyahu is ‘the godfather of modern Israeli fascism.’
This essay focuses primarily on Hindutva, discussing Zionism mainly to highlight its similarities, links and increasing alliances with Hindutva.Select options This product has multiple variants. The options may be chosen on the product page




















